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Hospitals and the health care community were up in arms over the U.S. House version of the reconciliation (One Big Beautiful) bill, claiming that thousands will die. They expected the U.S. Senate to restore the pork, but the Senate has actually served up a much leaner bill. BMW dealerships may be hurting for customers next year:
https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/17/hospitals-senate-medicaid-megabill-taxes-00410769
Hospitals stunned by Senate GOP’s Medicaid plan
Republicans want to curtail taxes states have imposed to increase payments to hospitals.
By Robert King, Caitlin Oprysko, Jordain Carney and Amanda Chu - June 17, 2025One of the most powerful lobbies in Washington is redoubling its efforts to avoid a cut to Medicaid payments in the GOP’s megabill.
Hospital executives weren’t happy last month when the House included a provision in its version of the bill freezing a loophole states have used to boost payments to hospitals serving the low-income patients enrolled in Medicaid. Hospitals have long enjoyed deference from lawmakers — since they both care for and employ their constituents.
But they were infuriated when Senate Republicans on the Finance Committee released their version of the bill Monday. Their proposal went even further than the House measure in curtailing the ability of states to impose taxes on providers. States have used those taxes to gain a larger federal Medicaid contribution, which they have then directed back to hospitals with higher reimbursements.
The Senate’s proposal would lower the amount the 40 states that have expanded Medicaid under Obamacare can levy in provider taxes from 6 percent to 3.5 percent. It has hospital lobbyists painting a bleak picture of their financial prospects in a last-ditch effort to change senators’ minds.
“No senator wants to be the reason their local hospital shutters its doors, and now is their opportunity to stop that from happening,” said a source familiar with hospital industry thinking, granted anonymity to speak freely on strategy.
More than 250 hospital leaders flew into Washington on Tuesday to urge senators to preserve Medicaid as part of an American Hospital Association lobbying campaign. The association spent almost $8.5 million on lobbying in the first quarter of the year, a high water mark dating back almost two decades.
“There are aggressive conversations ongoing … to make sure that all senators recognize the vulnerability that it is going to potentially put all of our hospitals in,” said one stakeholder granted anonymity to speak on strategy, adding that the lobbying push will continue in the states later this week after senators depart Washington for the Juneteenth holiday.
Hospitals have long gotten their way on Capitol Hill, as they don’t just offer health care to a community but are sometimes its biggest employer. There are signs of encouragement this time around, too, as several influential GOP senators lodged objections to their colleagues’ proposal after its release Monday.
“We’ve got all kinds of concerns,” Sen. Jim Justice (R-W.Va.), who had accepted the House’s language, said Tuesday.
But for now, at least, anxiety is running high.
The industry was able to get House Republicans to steer away from cuts to provider taxes. Instead, Republicans there installed a moratorium on any new taxes but allowed current ones to continue.
Thirteen state hospital groups said they were okay with that.
But the Senate went in another direction, and it has sent hospitals and their allies scrambling.
“The further the cuts that are made, the more devastating it is,” said Shantel Krebs, president and CEO of Avera St. Mary’s, a hospital in South Dakota, in a call with reporters Tuesday.
The Senate Finance Committee’s version of the megabill keeps the moratorium in place, but only if the state is one of 10 that hasn’t taken advantage of an Obamacare provision offering federal funds to expand Medicaid to cover lower-middle income people. States that have expanded Medicaid must lower their taxes to 3.5 percent.
This would imperil more than 30 states and the District of Columbia that have taxes above 3.5 percent, according to data from the health care think tank KFF.
The House version was palatable partly because red-state governors intervened to mitigate the impact, one hospital lobbyist said.
“I would assume there will be just a massive amount of pushback from states, and we’ll see whether it moves the needle,” the person said.
Hospitals are not used to losing on Capitol Hill. In recent years, they have successfully fought off efforts to lower Medicare payments for their outpatient clinics so they’re in line with doctors’ offices. Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have criticized hospitals for getting paid more for performing the same service.
Hospital groups have also successfully fought off a payment cut to safety net hospitals, which serve low-income patients, that lawmakers included in Obamacare. The cut aimed to help pay for the bill. And the Democrats who passed Obamacare in 2010 expected the Medicaid expansion would make the hospitals whole. But Congress has repeatedly passed legislation to block the cuts from taking effect at hospitals’ request.
Now, the industry is working against a Senate hungry for savings to pay for the megabill, the primary purpose of which is to extend the tax cuts President Donald Trump and a Republican Congress enacted in 2017. It’s also up against conservatives’ philosophical opposition to the state taxes.
Some conservatives close to Trump have argued that states and hospitals are essentially engaged in “money laundering” when they use provider taxes to boost federal Medicaid contributions and then send the money back to the hospitals.
Brian Blase of the conservative Paragon Health Institute posted on X on Monday that even Joe Biden wanted to tackle provider taxes.
“The [Senate Finance] proposal is just a commonsense good government step to restore accountability in Medicaid and focus states on getting value from their programs,” he said.
GOP dissent
Senate Republicans can lose only three members and still pass the megabill if Democrats remain united in opposition. GOP leaders want to meet Trump’s demand that they pass it by July 4.
Hospitals listening to the tepid reaction from some in the GOP caucus to the provider tax restrictions see reason for hope.
“From the standpoint of West Virginia, I think the president outlined where he stood, and what’s coming out right now could be much different, and so we’ve got concerns,” Justice said, referencing Trump’s repeated pledge to protect Medicaid.
Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) has largely declined to delve into specifics since the Finance Committee released its plan, but she reiterated her concerns about the provider tax language and said she’s still “asking for many changes.”
The most outspoken pushback has come from Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), who spoke with Trump on Tuesday. Hawley told reporters that the Senate language is “alarming” and “surprising” and that Trump had told him he was also surprised by the language in the bill.
Finance Chair Mike Crapo’s decision to go further in curtailing the taxes than the House bill caught GOP senators off guard, after several indicated last week that they expected the Senate’s plan would largely match the House’s.
The two chambers will have to agree on the bill text before Trump can sign it into law.
The language Crapo settled on nets the Idaho Republican and Senate Majority Leader John Thune something they are desperately hunting: more savings.
Crapo predicted that making changes to the Medicaid language would help give Republicans several hundred billion dollars to work with. Republicans can pass the bill with a simple majority if they adhere to special budget rules that require the bill not increase the deficit within a 10-year window.
“Every spending reduction that we were able to achieve was helpful in achieving the permanence,” Crapo said, referencing GOP plans to make the 2017 tax cuts permanent. The 2017 law, in order to reduce the cost of the measure, set the tax cuts to expire at the end of this year.
Crapo added that he was “not surprised” that there was pushback from his colleagues and that the Medicaid language might not be fully locked in: “Right now, we’re vetting it,” he said.
One lobbyist pointed out that hospitals would be happy to make a deal.
“Right now, the Senate bill is so bad for hospitals,” the person argued, “that if it’s softened a little bit, you could … almost neutralize them.”
U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson is now warning the Senate that their Medicaid cuts may hurt Republicans in the 2026 elections:
Capitol agenda: Johnson warns about a Medicaid backlash
The speaker fears the Senate’s deeper cuts to the safety-net program could cost House Republicans their majority next year.
By Benjamin Guggenheim and Lisa Kashinsky - June 25, 2025With President Donald Trump’s July 4 deadline drawing near, Senate Majority Leader John Thune told POLITICO on Tuesday night he believes the Senate is “on a path” to start voting on the megabill Friday.
But he’s got several fires to put out first. For one, he’s under immense pressure to water down the Medicaid provisions the Senate GOP is counting on for hundreds of billions of dollars worth of savings.
Speaker Mike Johnson is warning in private that Senate Republicans could cost House Republicans their majority next year if they try to push through the deep Medicaid cuts in the current Senate version, according to three people granted anonymity to describe the matter.
That comes as Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) cautions GOP senators that those same cutbacks could become a political albatross for Republicans just as the Affordable Care Act was for Democrats.
“[Barack] Obama said … ‘if you like your health care you can keep it, if you like your doctor we can keep it,’ and yet we had several million people lose their health care,” the in-cycle senator told reporters Tuesday. “Here we’re saying [with] Medicaid, we’re going to hold people harmless, but we’re estimating” millions of people could lose coverage.
GOP leaders are trying to ease concerns by preparing to include a fund to help rural hospitals that could be harmed by the reductions, even as Thune insisted Tuesday “we like where we are.” Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), who’s been pushing for the fund, said while that “helps lessen the impact,” she remains “concerned about the changes in the funding for Medicaid in general.”
The other drama hanging over the bill are several imminent, critical rulings from Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough. Several committees that already have rulings in hand are due to release revised text as soon as this morning, according to a person familiar with the plans. And Republicans could know as soon as Wednesday whether MacDonough will clear major parts of their tax package.
As of late Tuesday, the parliamentarian had not yet ruled on provisions linked to the so-called current policy baseline, an accounting maneuver that zeroes out the costs of $3.8 trillion of expiring tax cuts, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose the private discussions.
Make no mistake: Adverse rulings could send Republicans back to the drawing board on making their tax plan permanent or otherwise force them to go nuclear and override or ignore MacDonough altogether. There’s uncertainty from all sides about how that would play out, given the gambit has never been tried before with tax legislation.
This much is already clear: With the tax package in flux and Medicaid savings under threat, GOP leaders have a major math problem on their hands. And House fiscal hawks are watching to see, regardless of the accounting method, whether the Senate sticks to the budget deal they agreed to with Johnson earlier this year.
Some Senate Republicans are proposing a $15 billion fund — $3 billion a year between fiscal 2027 and fiscal 2031 — to help rural hospitals. Some want more; federal money is more addictive than crack:
GOP mega-bill stuck in US Senate as disputes grow over hospitals and more
By Ashley Murray, Shauneen Miranda, Jacob Fischler and Jennifer Shutt - June 26, 2025WASHINGTON — U.S. Senate Republicans appeared deeply divided Wednesday over how to establish a fund for rural hospitals to offset the budget impacts of Medicaid cuts in the “big, beautiful bill.”
The hospitals, which are generally already hurting financially, rely heavily on Medicaid, a state-federal partnership that provides health insurance for low-income households and for some people with disabilities.
GOP senators haven’t yet reached agreement on how to structure the fund, or on dozens of other unresolved provisions in the sweeping package, even though leaders hope to begin voting as soon as Friday. Still up in the air were agreements on major provisions of the measure involving the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s food aid program for low-income people and a proposed selloff of certain public lands.
Republican leaders continued to project optimism. “We’re well on our way to getting this bill passed this week,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said during a floor speech, continuing to press ahead toward a self-imposed Fourth of July deadline.
Others saw it differently. Wisconsin Republican Sen. Ron Johnson cast doubt on the short timeframe leaders have set to reach final agreement and move the bill through both chambers.
“We’re still discussing some pretty fundamental issues,” Johnson said. “I’m just laying out the reality of the situation. We’ve got a lot of work to do.”
‘The only person up here that’s ever ran a rural hospital’
Dueling plans to establish the rural hospital fund to ease the threat of Medicaid cuts circulated among senators working to finalize the massive tax and spending cut measure, but an agreement had not surfaced by late afternoon.
Unofficial details showed Senate Republicans eyeing the inclusion of a $15 billion fund — $3 billion a year between fiscal 2027 and fiscal 2031 — to help rural hospitals, according to multiple reports.
But Sen. Roger Marshall, who sits on the Senate Committee on Finance, said he wants to increase that fund to $5 billion annually, with “half of that going to rural hospitals, and half of it going to primary care and prescription drugs and throw in physical therapy and occupational therapy, all the others as well.”
The Kansas Republican and physician said “we should probably only do it for four or five years and then regroup and see where we are.”
“I’m the only person up here that’s ever ran a rural hospital — I actually know something about them,” he added.
While Marshall said he loves “90%” of the broader bill, he said not nearly enough is being cut.
“But I can’t get the votes to do that, so it’d still be the largest cut in spending in my lifetime anyway,” he said, noting that “it’s going to be hard for the House to vote against it.”
Fund size criticized
On a midday call with reporters, Traci Gleason with the Missouri Budget Project said the stabilization fund being batted around by lawmakers “would fall well short of addressing these problems.”
“Forty-three percent of Missouri’s rural hospitals are at risk of closing, and 17% are considered to be at immediate risk,” said Gleason, who spoke during a virtual press briefing organized by the left-leaning Center for Budget and Policy Priorities.
“Those figures don’t account for all of the other health care providers in rural communities, like federally qualified health centers and others that operate on these incredibly thin margins. So the massive cuts to Medicaid are what is creating the problem and the only real way to address it is for Congress to not make these massive cuts,” she said.
‘Problematic’ Medicaid cuts
Sen. Susan Collins was advocating for a much bigger rural hospital stabilization fund, at $100 billion.
“I don’t think that solves the entire problem,” the Maine Republican and chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee said.
“The Senate cuts in Medicaid are far deeper than the House cuts, and I think that’s problematic as well.”
Sen. Jim Justice of West Virginia said that the $15 billion “is better than zero.”
“You know, naturally, I’d want it to be as high as it possibly can,” he said, adding that rural hospitals are the “lifeblood” of his state.
Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, a loud voice against Medicaid benefit cuts, said a stabilization fund is a “good idea but we’re still going to have to address the longer term effects of this.”
When asked for a dollar figure, Hawley said “it depends on the structure of it.”
Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn said he keeps hearing the Senate will take a procedural vote on Friday, though that isn’t set in stone.
“Should be a fun weekend for all of us,” Cornyn said. “Can’t wait.”
Once the Senate votes on what is called a motion to proceed, there’s a maximum of 20 hours of floor debate before the chamber must begin its marathon amendment voting session and eventually a passage vote.
SNAP provisions
Senate Agriculture Chairman John Boozman, an Arkansas Republican, said a revised version of his committee’s bill had not yet been reviewed by the parliamentarian.
The updated text alters a section restructuring the cost-share of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, a key food assistance program for low-income people.
The provision would require states for the first time to shoulder some of the cost of the program’s benefits. The amount a state owes would be determined by its error payment rate, with greater error rates requiring a higher state share.
Complex rules govern what can and can’t be included in the measure. The Senate parliamentarian ruled the language in the initial proposal did not comply with the chamber’s reconciliation rules.
The updated proposal would allow states more flexibility during the policy’s phase-in in fiscal 2028, allowing them to choose either the error rate in fiscal 2025 or fiscal 2026.
Boozman told reporters that change sought to respond to the parliamentarian’s ruling.
The parliamentarian “asked us to allow them (states) to use a different time frame — essentially gave them more time to understand what their error rate would be and to plan for it,” Boozman said. “And so we adjusted for that and I think we satisfied it.”
Lee and public lands
Senate Energy and Natural Resources Chairman Mike Lee of Utah reportedly narrowed a provision that would mandate the sale of Bureau of Land Management lands. He has not publicly said where it stands with the parliamentarian.
A committee spokesman did not return messages seeking clarification Tuesday and Wednesday, but a version of the changes obtained by news media shows changes consistent with what Lee proposed Monday.
Those changes include limiting the mandated sales to only the BLM — and not U.S. Forest Service lands, as Lee had initially proposed — and lowering the percentage of the agency’s lands that must be sold to between .25% and .5%. The initial proposal required between .5% and .75%.
The updated provision would also only require lands located within 5 miles of a population center to be sold and exempts lands that are currently used for grazing or another “valid existing right that is incompatible with the development of housing,” according to a copy of the changes obtained by hunting and angling publication Outdoor Life.
The provision has sparked opposition from Western lawmakers, including a handful of conservatives.
But it also has its share of supporters. Alaska Republican Dan Sullivan told reporters he had not seen the updated text but remained supportive of the idea.
“I’ve been supportive of what Sen. Lee is trying to do,” he said. “We have a lot of public lands in Alaska that the federal government abuses. But we’re in a good discussion on that, so I need to see the update.”
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